Trump’s second-term diplomatic and security circles are being filled with “Trump loyalists,” who are staunchly America-first. In security, “America First” means prioritizing U.S. interests over those of its allies. On the other hand, some argue that Trump is trying to create a “coterie” of loyalists who lack expertise in diplomacy and security. Specifically, Mike Waltz (50), the nominee for National Security Advisor, and Pete Hegseth (44), the nominee for Secretary of Defense, are seen as Trump’s loyal theorists and doers. Unlike Trump’s first term, when the talent pool was thin and he relied on military veterans, this time he has staffed his diplomatic and security lines with insiders.
In fact, Mike Waltz and Pete Hegseth’s resumes are unusual: neither is a general nor has any experience leading a major military unit. Even more concerning, they have no experience in formulating or executing macro military strategies that incorporate diplomacy. Pete Hegseth, the nominee for Secretary of Defense, is a former Fox News host and outspoken supporter of the Trump-Kim summit, having once controversially said on air, “Give Kim Jong-un what he wants if it makes the world safer.”
In contrast, Trump’s first-term team included senior figures with extensive experience and perspective, such as Secretary of Defense James Mattis, a four-star Marine Corps general, and National Security Adviser Herbert McMaster, a three-star Army general. Referred to as the “Axis of Grown-ups,” they acted as a check on Trump’s impulsive ideas, such as withdrawing U.S. troops from South Korea or making a deal with Kim Jong-un. They advised postponing these actions, saying, “Let’s save that for a second term.” Without this more rational and mature group of advisors on international affairs, a second term could bring the withdrawal of U.S. troops from South Korea, outrageous demands for higher defense spending, and a nuclear deal with Kim Jong-un lacking proper checks and balances.
However, these potential developments are not the only cause for concern. Waltz has stated that “the North Korean threat is not just a problem for South Korea, but for all of East Asia,” while Senator Marco Rubio, a contender for Secretary of State, has taken a principled stance, declaring, “North Korea is not a government, it’s a criminal organization.” Most notably, Trump’s choice of Congressman Michael Waltz as National Security Advisor sends an important signal about the direction of U.S. foreign policy. As a former Green Beret, Waltz brings experience in Afghanistan and a deep understanding of defense policy. His appointment is likely to strengthen the U.S. military and place greater emphasis on reining in China.
Additionally, Republican policy guidance emphasizes the importance of South Korea to the U.S. pivot to the Asia-Pacific. Fortunately, President-elect Trump has struck a more cautious tone on security and alliances compared to his campaign rhetoric. In his first phone call with South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol, he requested cooperation, stating, “We need South Korea’s cooperation in refurbishing, repairing, and overhauling U.S. Navy ships,” according to South Korean media.
Trump’s nominations of Mike Waltz as National Security Advisor and Pete Hegseth as Secretary of Defense are not merely personnel decisions but significant indicators of a shift in U.S. foreign policy. The South Korean government must carefully respond to this changing U.S. security posture and develop a long-term strategy for security and economic stability.
Nevertheless, the South Korean government can turn this crisis into an opportunity by thoroughly studying and preparing for the second Trump administration’s diplomatic and security circle, composed of President-elect Trump and his loyalists, who are adept at negotiating deals that benefit both sides. More importantly, there is an urgent need for leadership to prepare for the second Trump administration by integrating resources from both the Korean government and the private sector, including corporations.
By. Wonjun Lee